8 10 105 https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/0178d7d63b6a372fee6030b771f7420f.png 501c2639d47855830cb58c41efddde2a https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/672add7f8f19287182f29cd0a85f7327.jpg 895776baafded6385cffe07cb253cb00 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Organizations and Institutions A group of individuals cooperating under similar beliefs to reach an agreed-upon goal. Metadata for organizations and institutions provides information for the basis of an investigation into the creation, purpose, beliefs, and actors involved in an organization and institution. Type of Institution Publishing Economic Source of File Attached "Englewood's Daily Newspaper." The Record, September 23, 1921, p.5. Date Started 1898 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Evening Record Bergen Evening Record The Evening Record, and Bergen County Herald The News-Record Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived "Englewood's Daily Newspaper." The Record, September 23, 1921, p.5. “<a href="https://www.loc.gov/item/sn85035985/">The Evening Record, and Bergen County Herald (Hackensack, N.J.) 1902-1913</a>.” The Library of Congress. <div></div> Subject The topic of the resource Newspapers Description An account of the resource The newspaper The Evening Record began using the name in the late 1890s. Located in Hackensack, Bergen County, the newspaper published daily for Englewood, New Jersey. It has gone through a number of name variations. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Journalism https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/f132799d4f2ae3dc9ab72e28c68f2e60.jpg 14f957d494e8ee72ceba560bce840a54 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Organizations and Institutions A group of individuals cooperating under similar beliefs to reach an agreed-upon goal. Metadata for organizations and institutions provides information for the basis of an investigation into the creation, purpose, beliefs, and actors involved in an organization and institution. Date Started 1954 Date Ended 2024-04-01 Type of Institution Social Welfare Source of File Attached "Daytime Ambulance Service In Englewood Grinds To A Stop." Northern Valley Suburbanite, 7 Mar. 2007, p. A13. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Englewood Volunteer Ambulance Corp Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="https://cityofenglewood.org/CivicAlerts.aspx?AID=529">Dissolution of Englewood Volunteer Ambulance Corps</a>.” City of Englewood New Jersey, 11 Mar. 2024. Yellin, Deena. "Who'll rescue us?" The Record, 26 Jan. 2007, p. A1. "Daytime Ambulance Service In Englewood Grinds To A Stop." Northern Valley Suburbanite, 7 Mar. 2007, p. A13. Subject The topic of the resource Health Care Medical Services Description An account of the resource The Englewood Volunteer Corps (EVAC) was founded in 1954. It was a nonprofit emergency medical agency funded by the city and medical billing donations. The organization stopped service on April 1, 2024, due to declining membership and operational constraints. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Health https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/cbfc23d13540442a7a9e508092998566.jpg b79031d6bceff35dde36d035223cd799 https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/598ea29c381b6d45c383c71563ee452c.jpg 42e43678c6c1453b4f7ac3cbf0599307 https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/842583da3f62ad0ab46a5595d9fbf845.pdf 0127ebda694e1faf52f3bb728fbaa63f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Organizations and Institutions A group of individuals cooperating under similar beliefs to reach an agreed-upon goal. Metadata for organizations and institutions provides information for the basis of an investigation into the creation, purpose, beliefs, and actors involved in an organization and institution. Date Started 1962-08 Type of Institution Political Source of File Attached Holzka, Kathryn. "Volk, Hughes Arrange Intergration Discussion." The Record, 20 Aug. 1962, p.1, 4. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Englewood Movement Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Holzka, Kathryn. "Negro Pastor Named Leader of Movement." The Record, 22 Aug. 1962, p. 1. Holzka, Kathryn. "Volk, Hughes Arrange Intergration Discussion." The Record, 20 Aug. 1962, p.1, 4. Subject The topic of the resource Activism, African American Racial Discrimination Schools, Segregation Description An account of the resource Early Resistance and the Frist School Crisis (1878-1884) The Englewood Movement of the 1960s did not arise suddenly in response to Brown v. Board of Education. Rather, it represented the culmination of nearly a century of resistance by Black parents who repeatedly confronted shifting forms of exclusion. Each generation faced a different mechanism—separate schools, unequal facilities, vocational tracking, neighborhood zoning—but the underlying struggle remained consistent: the demand that Englewood live up to its legal and moral obligations. Englewood’s first major school segregation controversy emerged almost immediately after the town established a segregated “Colored School” in 1878. African American parents objected not only to segregation itself but to the stark inequality of facilities and resources. Newspaper coverage from the early 1880s makes clear that Black families viewed the arrangement as both unlawful and degrading. One widely circulated editorial accused Englewood’s white leadership of treating Black children “most unjustly and meanly,” noting that African American students were confined to an “unhealthy, inconvenient room” while white children were educated in modern school buildings. When New Jersey passed a statute in 1881 explicitly banning racial segregation in public schools—and when the state’s Supreme Court upheld that law in 1884—Black parents in Englewood moved quickly to assert their rights. At public meetings, parents declared that although they paid taxes like other residents, their children “receive nothing in return,” and insisted that the courts had already affirmed their entitlement to equal access. They made clear that they would no longer submit quietly to discrimination and expected the law to be enforced in practice, not merely acknowledged in theory. Sustained protest, combined with the legal pressure created by the court ruling, ultimately forced Englewood to retreat. Later in 1884, the town closed the segregated Colored School and merged its students into the Brick School, later known as Lincoln School. Although this decision was presented as compliance with state law, the episode revealed a recurring pattern that would define Englewood’s educational history: formal legal equality achieved only after persistent community resistance, and followed by new policies that reproduced segregation in different forms. The Reemergence of Segregation (1936–1939) By the late 1930s, Englewood once again found itself at the center of a school segregation controversy—this time not through explicit racial separation, but through administrative planning and school construction. As the city’s Black population grew during the interwar period, the Board of Education proposed converting Lincoln School into a vocationally focused junior high school. Publicly, the plan was framed as a practical response to overcrowding at the existing junior high and as a way to emphasize job training. In practice, however, critics immediately recognized it as a mechanism to concentrate Black students in a separate institution. Newspaper reporting from 1938 documents sharp divisions within the community. African American leaders, clergy, and civil rights advocates argued that transforming Lincoln into a vocational junior high would institutionalize race discrimination under the guise of educational reform. They warned that because most of Lincoln’s students were Black, the proposed school would function as a de facto segregated junior high, limiting academic opportunities and reinforcing racial hierarchy. Opponents emphasized that vocational tracking had historically been used to restrict Black students’ access to college-preparatory education and civic advancement. Despite vocal opposition, the Englewood Common Council approved funding for the Lincoln School expansion by a divided vote. Only Councilman Albert Moskin of the Fourth Ward voted against the measure. Public hearings drew hundreds of residents, with Black leaders stressing that the burden of protest itself fell disproportionately on African American families who were forced to repeatedly defend their children’s right to equal education. Editorial commentary at the time openly acknowledged that the plan would result in a “Negro school” in everything but name. The controversy revealed how segregation in Englewood had evolved since the nineteenth century. Whereas earlier conflicts centered on explicitly segregated facilities, the late 1930s debate exposed the growing role of school zoning, curriculum differentiation, and capital investment in maintaining racial separation. The Lincoln School plan marked a critical turning point: segregation no longer required a “Colored School” label to function effectively. It could now be achieved through planning decisions presented as neutral, technical, and fiscally responsible. Rezoning, School Construction, and the Legal Challenge to Segregation (1953-1955) By the early 1950s, segregation in Englewood’s public schools no longer depended on explicitly separate institutions. Instead, it was produced through rezoning decisions, student transfers, and long-term facilities planning. As the Board of Education debated a major school expansion program—including proposals tied to the Dwight Morrow High School site and the future of Lincoln School—residents increasingly warned that these plans would entrench racial separation rather than resolve overcrowding. Public hearings revealed widespread apprehension that Black students, particularly those from the Fourth Ward, would be displaced from integrated settings and concentrated at Lincoln School under the guise of administrative efficiency. Throughout 1953 and 1954, school officials defended rezoning as a neutral response to enrollment pressures, traffic safety, and space limitations. Superintendent Harry L. Stearns and board members repeatedly denied that race played any role in the drawing of school boundaries, describing the new zones as the product of “mathematical” calculations rather than discriminatory intent. Yet critics countered that the outcomes of these policies told a different story. Lincoln School’s enrollment had become overwhelmingly Black, while nearby schools such as Liberty retained predominantly white student populations despite available classroom space. Dissatisfied with official assurances, two Black mothers—Susan Anderson of Armory Street and Mary Walker of Franklin Road—filed formal complaints in 1954 with the New Jersey Division Against Discrimination. They alleged that Englewood’s mid-summer rezoning increased segregation by transferring Black children out of schools with mixed enrollment and funneling them into Lincoln School. Their case became one of the earliest northern challenges to school segregation brought under New Jersey’s antidiscrimination statutes following Brown v. Board of Education. The mothers were represented by Constance Baker Motley, an attorney for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. Motley argued that the transfers were not the result of clerical errors or isolated mistakes, as the Board contended, but part of an alleged, consistent policy of segregation. She emphasized that the cumulative effect of rezoning decisions, selective enforcement of attendance boundaries, and student transfers produced racial separation in practice—even in the absence of explicitly discriminatory language. In questioning witnesses, Motley highlighted cases in which white students living within the Lincoln School zone were permitted to attend Liberty School, while Black students were denied comparable flexibility. Testimony from state officials reinforced these claims. John P. Milligan, director of the Division Against Discrimination, testified that the Board had refused to reconsider its rezoning despite evidence that it increased segregation. Investigators presented enrollment data, school registers marked to identify Black students, and boundary maps demonstrating how lines were drawn to intensify racial concentration. Milligan concluded that Englewood’s policies resulted in segregation “in fact,” regardless of intent, and that the district possessed feasible alternatives that it declined to implement. Hearings before State Commissioner of Education Frederick M. Raubinger exposed a fundamental divide over the meaning of Brown. Deputy Attorney General Thomas B. Cook argued that school boards had an affirmative obligation to pursue maximum possible integration, not merely to avoid overtly discriminatory acts. Englewood officials countered that their legal responsibility extended only to refraining from intentional segregation and that racial imbalance resulting from residential patterns lay beyond their control. State authorities ultimately rejected that narrow interpretation. Raubinger concluded that rezoning alone could not remedy Englewood’s segregation and ordered both the redrawing of attendance boundaries and the creation of a new, centralized middle school to replace the existing segregated junior high arrangement centered on Lincoln School. The proposed school—later built on Tryon Avenue near Dwight Morrow High School—was intended to merge junior high programs citywide and eliminate Lincoln’s function as a racially isolated secondary institution. Although construction of the new middle school would be delayed, the ruling marked a critical turning point. It acknowledged that segregation in Englewood was not simply a byproduct of neighborhood demographics but the result of institutional design and policy choice. The Englewood case thus became one of the first in the North to test whether segregation “in fact,” rather than by statute, violated state and federal law. By early 1955, it was clear that Englewood’s school system stood at the center of a broader legal and moral reckoning over whether desegregation required passive compliance with the law or active reform of policies and structures that sustained racial separation. The failure to implement these reforms promptly would shape the conflicts of the next decade and help set the stage for the mass protests and direct action of the early 1960s. National Civil Rights Momentum Reaches the North (1960-1961) The national civil rights movement entered a new phase in 1960 and 1961, and its impact was felt far beyond the South. The sit-in movement, followed by the Freedom Rides, underscored that segregation was a national problem—one that extended into northern cities where discrimination was often informal, administrative, and denied. Court decisions reinforced this shift. In May 1961, Taylor v. Board of Education in New Rochelle ordered desegregation through busing and active reassignment, earning the case the nickname the “Brown of the North.” The ruling sent a clear message: school districts could no longer rely on neighborhood boundaries to justify racial separation when those boundaries reproduced segregation. For Englewood, the implications were unmistakable. Englewood Under Renewed Scrutiny (Summer-Fall 1961) During the summer of 1961, Englewood’s Board of Education began holding private meetings with selected community members to discuss integration, signaling both concern and caution. At the same time, civil rights organizations escalated public pressure. In September 1961, the New Jersey NAACP launched a statewide school integration campaign, explicitly including Englewood. Days later, Superintendent Harry L. Stearns announced an official study of racial concentration in Englewood schools. The NAACP agreed to await the study’s findings, scheduled for early 1962, but emphasized that study alone could not substitute for action. Community response intensified. A petition bearing more than 400 signatures was submitted to the Board of Education protesting segregation. Public meetings followed, including a major NAACP forum in October focused specifically on Englewood’s schools. The controversy increasingly centered on Lincoln School, which remained overwhelmingly Black, and on the broader “neighborhood school” concept that critics argued merely institutionalized segregated housing patterns. Protest, Politics and the Fourth Ward (1961) By the fall of 1961, Englewood’s school debate had spilled into electoral politics and street-level activism. Fourth Ward residents, candidates, and civil rights leaders publicly debated whether the Board of Education was acting in good faith or merely delaying meaningful reform. Integration advocates increasingly rejected attendance zones as neutral policy. They argued that when neighborhoods were racially segregated, neighborhood schools became instruments of inequality. Calls grew for alternatives such as grade-based assignment, reassignment across wards, and structural reorganization—including the creation of new schools—to dismantle racial concentration. At the same time, student transfer efforts and threatened legal action mirrored tactics being used in other northern cities. These strategies reflected a broader shift toward direct action and legal pressure, paralleling national civil rights campaigns. Housing, Education, and Human Relations Englewood activists also emphasized that school segregation could not be separated from housing discrimination. Human Relations Workshops held in late 1961 examined how biased real estate practices, restrictive covenants, and urban renewal patterns reinforced segregated schools. Participants highlighted a vicious cycle: segregated housing produced segregated schools, which in turn limited opportunity and reinforced residential inequality. Breaking that cycle, they argued, required coordinated reform in both education and housing policy. This framing placed Englewood firmly within a growing northern civil rights discourse that treated segregation as a structural problem, not merely a matter of individual choice. Regional Activism and Engerging Leadership Englewood’s struggle unfolded alongside a broader wave of northern activism. Bergen County CORE joined regional pickets against segregated public accommodations, and local activists gained experience in direct action campaigns beyond school issues. During this period, Shirley Lacy, later a member of Englewood’s City Council, emerged as part of this activist generation, helping integrate a Baltimore restaurant during a CORE campaign. Her involvement reflected how Englewood’s school fight was intertwined with wider civil rights organizing across housing, employment, and public space. Leadership within the NAACP also evolved. Augustus Harrison of Englewood, a central figure in the city’s school desegregation battle, stepped down as state NAACP president amid debates over strategy, militancy, and the pace of reform—tensions mirrored nationwide within the movement. National Civil Rights Momentum Reaches the North (1960-1961) The national civil rights movement entered a new phase in 1960 and 1961, and its impact was felt far beyond the South. The sit-in movement, followed by the Freedom Rides, underscored that segregation was a national problem—one that extended into northern cities where discrimination was often informal, administrative, and denied. Court decisions reinforced this shift. In May 1961, Taylor v. Board of Education in New Rochelle ordered desegregation through busing and active reassignment, earning the case the nickname the “Brown of the North.” The ruling sent a clear message: school districts could no longer rely on neighborhood boundaries to justify racial separation when those boundaries reproduced segregation. For Englewood, the implications were unmistakable. Englewood Under Renewed Scrutiny (Summer-Fall 1961) During the summer of 1961, Englewood’s Board of Education began holding private meetings with selected community members to discuss integration, signaling both concern and caution. At the same time, civil rights organizations escalated public pressure. In September 1961, the New Jersey NAACP launched a statewide school integration campaign, explicitly including Englewood. Days later, Superintendent Harry L. Stearns announced an official study of racial concentration in Englewood schools. The NAACP agreed to await the study’s findings, scheduled for early 1962, but emphasized that study alone could not substitute for action. Community response intensified. A petition bearing more than 400 signatures was submitted to the Board of Education protesting segregation. Public meetings followed, including a major NAACP forum in October focused specifically on Englewood’s schools. The controversy increasingly centered on Lincoln School, which remained overwhelmingly Black, and on the broader “neighborhood school” concept that critics argued merely institutionalized segregated housing patterns. Protest, Politics, and the Fourth Ward (1961) By the fall of 1961, Englewood’s school debate had spilled into electoral politics and street-level activism. Fourth Ward residents, candidates, and civil rights leaders publicly debated whether the Board of Education was acting in good faith or merely delaying meaningful reform. Integration advocates increasingly rejected attendance zones as neutral policy. They argued that when neighborhoods were racially segregated, neighborhood schools became instruments of inequality. Calls grew for alternatives such as grade-based assignment, reassignment across wards, and structural reorganization—including the creation of new schools—to dismantle racial concentration. At the same time, student transfer efforts and threatened legal action mirrored tactics being used in other northern cities. These strategies reflected a broader shift toward direct action and legal pressure, paralleling national civil rights campaigns. Housing, Education, and Human Relations. Englewood activists also emphasized that school segregation could not be separated from housing discrimination. Human Relations Workshops held in late 1961 examined how biased real estate practices, restrictive covenants, and urban renewal patterns reinforced segregated schools. Participants highlighted a vicious cycle: segregated housing produced segregated schools, which in turn limited opportunity and reinforced residential inequality. Breaking that cycle, they argued, required coordinated reform in both education and housing policy. This framing placed Englewood firmly within a growing northern civil rights discourse that treated segregation as a structural problem, not merely a matter of individual choice. Regional Activism and Emerging Leadership Englewood’s struggle unfolded alongside a broader wave of northern activism. Bergen County CORE joined regional pickets against segregated public accommodations, and local activists gained experience in direct action campaigns beyond school issues. During this period, Shirley Lacy, later a member of Englewood’s City Council, emerged as part of this activist generation, helping integrate a Baltimore restaurant during a CORE campaign. Her involvement reflected how Englewood’s school fight was intertwined with wider civil rights organizing across housing, employment, and public space. Leadership within the NAACP also evolved. Augustus Harrison of Englewood, a central figure in the city’s school desegregation battle, stepped down as state NAACP president amid debates over strategy, militancy, and the pace of reform—tensions mirrored nationwide within the movement. Toward Active Reform By the end of 1961, Englewood had moved well beyond the question of whether segregation existed. The debate now centered on what obligation the city had to dismantle it. Studies were under way, protests were ongoing, and pressure was mounting for structural change—including redrawing attendance policies and creating new middle schools to reduce racial concentration. As in New Rochelle, the lesson was becoming unavoidable: desegregation in the North would not happen automatically. It would require intentional policy, political courage, and sustained community pressure. Englewood’s experience in 1961 marked a decisive moment in that realization. The Rise of the Englewood Movement By the end of 1961, Englewood had moved beyond debating whether segregation existed. That question had been settled by demographic studies, state scrutiny, and the daily experience of Black families. The unresolved issue was now one of obligation: whether city officials would take affirmative steps to dismantle segregation they acknowledged but refused to confront directly. The Englewood Movement in 1962: From Delay to Direct Action By early 1962, the debate over whether segregation existed in Englewood had ended. What remained unresolved was whether municipal power would be used to dismantle it. City officials continued to commission studies, circulate questionnaires, and invoke fiscal caution, but refused to appropriate funds for even modest integration measures. Delay itself had become policy. It was this refusal—more than segregation alone—that catalyzed the Englewood Movement. The confrontation became public on February 1, 1962, when nine Black children and their parents attempted to enroll at Quarles School, which enrolled fewer than ten Black students out of 355. Superintendent Harry L. Stearns and Principal Francis Garritty barred their entry. That evening, Black and white protesters, joined by Paul Zuber, entered the Board of Education’s annual reorganization meeting to demand immediate transfers. The Board voted unanimously to take no action, reinforcing the widespread belief that the ongoing “study” of segregation was being used as a delay tactic—particularly since the Board approved the school budget before the study’s costs, and remedies, were made public. When protesters refused to leave City Hall the next morning, police arrested eleven demonstrators—eight women and three men—after they ignored Police Chief Joseph Furey’s order to clear the building. The arrests were widely described as the first sit-in arrests north of the Mason-Dixon Line, transforming Englewood from a local school dispute into a symbol of northern resistance to desegregation. On the same day, Congressman Adam Clayton Powell Jr., chair of the House Education and Labor Committee, announced the creation of a special subcommittee to investigate compliance with Brown v. Board of Education and explicitly cited Englewood as a case of concern, raising the specter of federal intervention. Protest activity intensified immediately. On February 2, more than 100 demonstrators picketed City Hall and the Bergen County Jail in Hackensack, where the arrested protesters were held. James Farmer addressed the crowd as participants sang “We Shall Overcome” by candlelight, even as groups of white teenagers mocked the demonstrators from the sidewalk. Legal and economic strategies soon followed. On February 5, Zuber filed a federal lawsuit in Newark challenging Englewood’s neighborhood school policy as a mechanism of segregation, with Deborah Spruill named as the lead plaintiff. Though the case was later dismissed for failure to exhaust state administrative remedies—and not appealed—the filing marked an effort to force desegregation through the courts rather than municipal politics alone. The next day, Benjamin Wright of the United Action Committee announced a boycott of downtown merchants, demanding that the Board of Education release the long-delayed integration report before finalizing the school budget. CORE members picketed slowly along Englewood Avenue carrying signs reading “Fight Segregation,” signaling a turn toward sustained economic pressure even as merchants publicly dismissed the boycott as ineffective. Throughout the spring and summer, official obstruction continued. In July 1962, a federal district court dismissed desegregation suits in Englewood, Montclair, and Orange on procedural grounds. Later that month, Mayor Austin Volk and two councilmen on the Board of School Estimate cast the deciding votes to block $35,000 requested by the Board of Education to convert the abandoned Engle Street Junior High into a centralized school for fifth and sixth graders. Volk instead proposed a citywide questionnaire to gauge public opinion on segregation—a move widely ridiculed by civil rights leaders. As Rev. Walter Taylor reportedly responded, asking citizens to vote on integration was akin to asking for a referendum before issuing the Emancipation Proclamation. The growing militancy of the Movement culminated in the August 19, 1962 Mackay Park rally, attended by approximately 500 people and featuring journalist and activist Louis Lomax. The rally, however, exposed deep internal tensions. Zuber’s invitation to Malcolm X—whether as a confirmed speaker or symbolic presence—triggered sharp opposition from local clergy and NAACP leaders who feared that association with Malcolm X would undermine Englewood’s moral credibility and local control. The dispute was not merely ideological but strategic: ministers and long-time community leaders favored negotiation and incremental pressure, while Zuber and CORE emphasized confrontation and national visibility. By mid-August, the Movement split publicly. Rev. Isaiah Goodman and others distanced themselves from Zuber, while Rev. Taylor—himself a former NAACP president—briefly attempted to stabilize the coalition by agreeing to serve as temporary chair. The NAACP, meanwhile, reaffirmed its support for local leadership after internal disputes over Zuber’s role and tactics, underscoring the fragile balance between grassroots authority and outside activism. As schools reopened in September, protest shifted to mass nonattendance. Between September 5 and 7, nearly two-thirds of Lincoln School’s 518 students boycotted classes, while students were bused to the Museum of Modern Art in New York City for alternative instruction organized by the Englewood Movement and the Lincoln School PTO. A sympathy boycott followed at Liberty School, where 139 students stayed home demanding that the Board of School Estimate fund the central intermediate school plan. Simultaneously, the struggle entered the administrative arena. Parents filed competing petitions with the state Department of Education—some demanding desegregation, others insisting on preserving neighborhood schools under the banner of “Save Our Schools.” The conflicting filings revealed how deeply Englewood had fractured, not only along racial lines but within the white community itself. By October 1962, the Englewood Movement expanded its critique beyond schools. Movement spokespeople challenged the city’s Urban Renewal plans, arguing that redevelopment threatened to displace Black residents under the guise of modernization. The shift signaled a broader understanding of segregation as a structural problem extending beyond classrooms into housing, municipal planning, and political power. By the end of 1962, Englewood had become a proving ground for northern civil rights activism. The Movement’s emergence marked the moment when patience with studies and hearings gave way to boycotts, sit-ins, lawsuits, and mass protest. What officials had framed as caution and procedure was now widely understood as resistance—and the city’s failure to integrate its schools on schedule became a defining example of how segregation in the North was sustained not by law, but by deliberate inaction. 1963 Confrontation By early 1963, Englewood’s struggle over school segregation entered its most confrontational phase. On February 26, a second boycott of Lincoln School began, signaling mounting frustration among Black parents and students who believed that official studies and hearings had produced delay rather than change. By late April, twenty-five students were still refusing to attend Lincoln, underscoring the persistence of the protest and the depth of community resolve. As local pressure intensified, state scrutiny increased. On April 1, Assistant Commissioner of Education John J. Raubinger conducted hearings in nearby Hackensack to examine Englewood’s school system, reflecting growing concern at the state level over racial imbalance in northern school districts. That scrutiny did not immediately translate into access. On April 23, fifteen Black students from Lincoln School, led by parent Virginia Wilson, attempted to enroll at Cleveland School. Principal Thorlief M. Henriksen turned them away, reinforcing the physical and administrative barriers that maintained segregation. The consequences of protest soon became punitive. On April 26, thirty-six parents were found guilty of violating truancy laws for their role in the Lincoln School boycott and were fined five dollars for the first day of the action. Rather than deterring resistance, these penalties coincided with a broader national moment of youth-led protest. On May 2, the Birmingham Children’s Crusade began, offering a powerful model of student activism that resonated deeply in Englewood. Inspired by events in Birmingham, direct action escalated locally. On May 6, eight Black students began what would become a six-week sit-in at Cleveland School. With parents distracting administrators at the front of the building, the students entered through a side door and quietly joined sixth-grade classrooms, two or three to a class. They remained for three hours and left with white students at the end of the shortened school day. The following day, fourteen Lincoln students returned, only to find the entrance blocked and police stationed at the school. After students and parents sat down in front of the building, preventing white students from entering, Henriksen ultimately relented and allowed the Black students inside. Over the next several days, the sit-in grew. On May 8, thirty Black students entered Cleveland School by lining up with regular classes. Protest leader Gloria Thweatt alleged that police pushed her to the ground during the confrontation. Superintendent Russell Shedd announced that the students would be treated courteously as “unauthorized visitors” but would not be permitted to participate in class instruction. On May 9, after parents agreed to remain off school grounds, Shedd ordered the doors unlocked and allowed the students to remain in the building under the same restrictive conditions. That same day, an attempt at mediation emerged from established religious leadership rather than civil rights organizations. The conciliation committee of the Englewood Ministerial Alliance convened a meeting composed of three white ministers, two Black ministers, and a rabbi. Notably absent were the NAACP, CORE, and the Englewood Movement, underscoring the divide between institutional mediation and grassroots activism. Mid-May brought a decisive legal development beyond Englewood. On May 16, the State Commissioner of Education ruled that Orange’s 99 percent Black Oakwood Elementary School constituted unconstitutional racial imbalance, declaring that intent was irrelevant when segregation deprived students of educational opportunity. Orange responded immediately by reorganizing schools by grade. The following day, citing the Orange ruling, the Englewood Movement called off plans to extend the Cleveland sit-in to Quarles and Roosevelt, interpreting the decision as confirmation that state authorities could be compelled to act. Activism nonetheless continued. On May 20, the Birmingham–Englewood Mass Rally linked local protest to the southern movement. Two Birmingham students, William Douthard and Isaac Reynolds, addressed the crowd. Douthard explicitly praised the Cleveland sit-in students, arguing that they were doing what their parents had been denied the opportunity to do a decade earlier. Throughout June, protest took on a more public and symbolic character. On June 3, one hundred ministers, parents, and children marched from Lincoln to Cleveland School, singing hymns and escorting thirty sit-in students into the building. On June 18, NAACP executive secretary Roy Wilkins led a march between the two schools, further elevating national attention. The following day, sit-in students and their parents protested the Cleveland School graduation, holding signs that asked whether Englewood would “graduate into the 20th century.” The sit-ins concluded on June 20, the final day of classes before summer recess. State intervention soon followed. On July 2, Raubinger formally ordered Englewood to reduce racial concentration at Lincoln School. After weeks of deliberation, the New Jersey State Board of Education upheld Englewood’s desegregation plan on August 23. The plan called for transferring Lincoln students to Cleveland, Quarles, and Roosevelt, creating a centralized sixth grade at the former Englewood Junior High School, and retaining only a kindergarten at Lincoln. These decisions unfolded alongside national transformation. On August 28, the March on Washington brought hundreds of thousands to the nation’s capital, with Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech reinforcing the moral urgency of desegregation struggles in places like Englewood. Implementation, however, remained contested. On September 5, Englewood began transferring 125 Black students to the previously white schools, but delays sparked renewed protests. Sit-ins occurred simultaneously at Cleveland, Quarles, and Roosevelt. Six Black mothers were arrested and charged with disrupting school procedures and trespassing, while sixty-eight children participated in the protests. Two days later, Councilman Vincent Tibbs urged parents to honor Governor Richard Hughes’s call for calm. Protesters agreed to a temporary moratorium, while warning that demonstrations would resume if progress stalled again. By October 28, 1963, Englewood’s integration plan finally took effect. Lincoln School closed as an elementary school, a centralized intermediate school opened, and approximately 350 students were reassigned to Cleveland, Quarles, and Roosevelt. The physical symbol of segregation was dismantled, though not erased. In February 1964, the former Lincoln School site reopened with a pre-kindergarten pilot program, marking a tentative reimagining of a space long associated with inequality. The struggle that unfolded there between 1963 and 1964 revealed how local protest, youth activism, and state authority converged to force desegregation in a northern city that had long denied it practiced segregation at all. “Pass Ordinance on School Plan at Englewood; Only Moskin of Fourth Ward Opposed to Bid for P.W.A. Help,” The Record (Hackensack, NJ), September 30, 1938. “Addition to Lincoln School May Be Used as Junior High; Englewood Board Considers Plan to Concentrate on Vocations, Relieve Overcrowding,” The Record (Hackensack, NJ), September 20, 1938. James A. Pawley, “Colored School Problem in Englewood Aggravated by Unsympathetic Approach,” The Record (Hackensack, NJ), October 6, 1938. “The white people of the beautiful and enlightened village of Englewood are accused by their colored fellow citizens…,” The Jersey Journal (Jersey City, NJ), March 24, 1884. Kuhn, John H. “Dr. Raubinger Orders Englewood to Draw New Lines by July 1, Drop Lincoln Junior High.” Bergen Evening Record (Hackensack, NJ), May 21, 1955. “Maximum Integration of Negroes State Aim.” Herald-News (Passaic, NJ), October 21, 1954. “Segregation Called Weapon for Reds.” Bergen Evening Record (Hackensack, NJ), September 24, 1954. “White People Are in the Dark.” Bergen Evening Record (Hackensack, NJ), November 4, 1954. “Englewood School Segregation Case to Resume Today.” The Star-Ledger (Newark), October 21, 1954. Gregory, Franklin. “Claim Englewood Re-Zoning Increased School Segregation.” The Record (Hackensack), October 25, 1954. “Filed Complaints Prompt Hearing in Englewood School Case.” The Jersey Journal (Jersey City), November 1, 1954. “Englewood School Board Denies Segregation Try.” Bergen Evening Record, October 27, 1954. “Ministers Request Negro as Trustee; Three Proposals Offered.” Bergen Evening Record, October 1954. “Maximum Integration of Negroes State Aim.” Herald-News (Passaic), October 21, 1954. Kuhn, John H. “Dr. Raubinger Orders Englewood to Draw New Lines, Drop Lincoln Junior High.” Bergen Evening Record, May 21, 1955. “Englewood School Segregation Case to Resume Today.” Bergen Evening Record, October 25, 1954. “Ministers Request Negro as Trustee; Englewood Association Presents Three Proposals on Segregation Charge.” Bergen Evening Record, October 25, 1954. John H. Kuhn, “Commissioner to Rule on Englewood Charges.” Bergen Evening Record, April 6, 1955. “Englewood School Board Denies Segregation Try.” Bergen Evening Record, October 1954. “Apprehension Grows in Building Program; Englewood School Board Charged with Fostering Discrimination.” Bergen Evening Record, October 27, 1954. Charles Gaulkin, “Integration Fight Spreads to Bergen.” The Star-Ledger, October 4, 1961. “Maximum Student Integration To Be Sought in Englewood.” The Star-Ledger, September 3, 1961. “Jersey NAACP Chief to Step Down.” The Star-Ledger, October 1961. “Englewood Schools and Integration Issue.” The Star-Ledger, May 16, 1965. “Fourth Ward Aspirants Back Integration Effort.” The Record, September 1961. Frank Sherry, “Assign Pupil by Grade, Not Area, Parley Told; Englewood Workshop Terms It Best Way to Kill De Facto Segregation.” The Record, August 21, 1961. “Integration Study at Englewood Authorized.” The Record, September 1961. “532 Negro, 9 White Pupils Attend Englewood School.” The Record, September 1961. “Englewood Board Continues Study of School Segregation.” The Record, December 8, 1961. “Englewood Integration Survey Near Completion.” The Record, December 13, 1961. “Bias in Sale of Houses Seen Bar to Integration, State Education Aide Says in Englewood.” The Herald-News, September 6, 1961. “Say Integration Attempt Planned for Englewood.” The News, October 4, 1961. “Englewood School Segregation Charges Studied.” The News, September 7, 1961 “Integration in the North Hits Bumps.” Tampa Bay Times, June 25, 1961. <div class="resource-meta media-object-section"> <div class="description full">Partly written by OpenAI. (2026, February, 6). ChatGPT (GPT-5.2.) [Large Language Model] https://chat.openai.com/chat.</div> </div> <div class="resource-meta media-object-section"></div> Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle African American Protests Race https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/46de3fab467405e6c04bf3c886a043ee.jpg bf482078f5fc5f9e4216020b40ffd9bb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Organizations and Institutions A group of individuals cooperating under similar beliefs to reach an agreed-upon goal. Metadata for organizations and institutions provides information for the basis of an investigation into the creation, purpose, beliefs, and actors involved in an organization and institution. Type of Institution Labor Source of File Attached Griffin, James. "Closter Teachers Win Pay Fight." The Record, 20 Jan. 1968, p. A-3. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Englewood Teachers Association Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="https://law.justia.com/cases/new-jersey/supreme-court/1973/64-n-j-1-0.html">Bd. of Ed. Englewood v. Englewood Teachers</a>.” Justia Law. <div></div> Subject The topic of the resource Schools, Public Labor Union Description An account of the resource The Englewood Teachers Association acts as a representative for educators within the Englewood school system. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Education Labor https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/6f285bd09bd54107bcee61acd89529f5.jpg ad5b85a0d755a2393bdf351984ec5cb2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Organizations and Institutions A group of individuals cooperating under similar beliefs to reach an agreed-upon goal. Metadata for organizations and institutions provides information for the basis of an investigation into the creation, purpose, beliefs, and actors involved in an organization and institution. Date Started 1975 Type of Institution Labor Source of File Attached “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Health_Professionals_and_Allied_Employees">Health Professionals and Allied Employees</a>.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 26 May 2022. <div></div> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Health Professional and Allied Employees (HPAE) Local 5004 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="http://www.hpae.org/our-union/">Who We Are.</a>” Health Professionals & Allied Employees, 10 Nov. 2021. <div></div> “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Health_Professionals_and_Allied_Employees">Health Professionals and Allied Employees</a>.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 26 May 2022. <div></div> Subject The topic of the resource Health Care Medical Services Labor Unions Description An account of the resource Health Professionals and Allied Employees (HPAE) is a labor union for medical professionals. The Englewood Professional Nurses' Association was created in 1974 by the nursing staff at Englewood Hospital, led by Ann Twomey. Local hospitals and medical centers asked for the Englewood Professional Nurses' Association for representation. Together the HPAE was formed. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Ludder, Rachelle Activism Health Labor https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/129f21c60bb3e38669567773580e5ad4.jpg 1687bafb49e6224d7592f91dd8ae7484 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Places A fixed location. Metadata for a place provides descriptive information that is the basis of discovery of the creation, purpose, and agents associated with a place. Date Started 1964-09 Type of Institution Educational Religious Source of File Attached "Moriah School." Google Maps. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Moriah School Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived "Moriah School of Englewood." The Record, 19 Mar. 1964, p. 19. Gavin, John A. "Orthodox school has new horizon." The Record, 30 Nov. 1993, p.E-2. Brackett, Bruce. "Moriah School Wins Site-Plan Approval." The Record, 28 Oct. 1970, p.C-1. Subject The topic of the resource Religion, Judaism Schools, Private Description An account of the resource The Moriah School is a Modern Orthodox Jewish school in Englewood. It teaches pre-kindergarten through eighth grade. The school opened in September 1964. The plan to convert a mansion on East Hill was approved in October 1970 and the school was moved to a new location in Englewood Cliffs. They had an expansion of the school finished in 1993. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Education Religion https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/883b32344e9d54822ca4906d229778f1.jpg 4cdd3e2aee0881375f1410bd888b9d71 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Places A fixed location. Metadata for a place provides descriptive information that is the basis of discovery of the creation, purpose, and agents associated with a place. Type of Place Places of Worship Date Started 1928 Source of File Attached "Temple Emanu-El Englewood." Google Maps. Type of Institution Religious Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Temple Emanu-El Subject The topic of the resource Religion, Judaism Description An account of the resource Temple Emanu-El of Englewood was founded in 1927 as a Conservative Jewish congregation at a moment when Englewood’s Jewish population was expanding and seeking a religious institution that balanced tradition with modern communal life. The idea for the Temple was initiated by Isaac Goldberg, who helped organize a small group of families committed to establishing a non-Orthodox synagogue rooted in worship, education, and civic engagement. The congregation’s earliest services were held in private homes, most notably at the East Palisade Terrace residence of Ferdinand Vorsanger, who became the Temple’s first president and one of its most enduring lay leaders. Under his guidance, the fledgling institution formalized its structure, adopted the name Temple Emanu-El, and incorporated with a charter group that included Louis Abesson, Julius Bernstein, Joseph Cohen, Nathan DeScherer, William Greenberg, Herman Kesser, Meyer Schneider, and Vorsanger himself as founding fathers. As the congregation grew, it moved through a series of temporary quarters that reflected both necessity and ambition. Services were first held in rented space in the Plaza Building on Van Brunt Street, then in the Busch Building on West Palisade Avenue. By 1929, the Temple was using the Plaza Theater for worship, signaling both increased attendance and the congregation’s visible presence in Englewood’s public life. Rabbinic leadership during the Temple’s early decades helped shape its religious identity. Rabbi Max Maccoby served as the first spiritual leader, followed by Rabbi Benjamin Schultz (1928–1930), during whose tenure a Sisterhood was organized, a Sunday School was established, and a cemetery was purchased at Rochelle Park. Rabbi Zvi Anderson served from 1930 to 1934, succeeded by Rabbi Ephraim Fischoff, under whom fundraising efforts intensified to secure a permanent home. A major turning point came in June 1935, when the Temple purchased property at 173 Tenafly Road, establishing its first long-term headquarters. Shortly thereafter, Henry Mandle donated adjacent property at 153 Tenafly Road, enabling future expansion. During this period, Ferdinand Vorsanger returned to the presidency, followed by Dr. Louis E. Greenwald, as the Temple embarked on a phase of sustained institutional growth. By the late 1930s and 1940s, Temple Emanu-El had evolved into a major center of Jewish religious and cultural life in Bergen County. Under the leadership of Rabbi Israel Margolies, who arrived in 1937, the Temple broadened its educational programming, expanded cultural activities, and strengthened its High Holy Day observances. By its twenty-second year, the congregation was recognized as a well-established worship center with a strong lay leadership structure, active Brotherhood and Sisterhood organizations, and a growing religious school. The Temple’s national profile expanded significantly in the postwar years under Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, who began leading the congregation in the 1950s. During his tenure, Temple Emanu-El became a member of the United Synagogue, while Hertzberg himself emerged as a leading public intellectual—serving as President of the American Jewish Congress and Vice President of the World Jewish Congress—bringing national prominence to the Englewood congregation. Temple Emanu-El was also distinguished by its musical and educational leadership. Cantor Kurt Silbermann, a member of the congregation, served as President of the Cantors Assembly. In the 1980s, Miriam Weidenfeld directed the Temple’s Religious School, and in 1989 Cantor Israel Singer became Hazzan, continuing a strong cantorial tradition. In the late 20th century, the Temple entered a new era under Rabbi Dr. Geoffrey Haber, who served from 1996 to 2007, followed by David Seth Kirshner. Reflecting demographic shifts within the Jewish community, Temple Emanu-El relocated in 2001 from its historic Englewood site to Closter. From its beginnings in living rooms and rented halls to its role as a major religious and cultural institution, Temple Emanu-El’s history reflects the evolution of Englewood itself—shaped by visionary leadership, civic engagement, and a lasting commitment to Jewish communal life. Citation: Partly written by OpenAI. (2026, January, 20). ChatGPT (GPT-5.2.) [Large Language Model] https://chat.openai.com/chat. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="https://templeemanu-el.com/about-us/history/">History.</a>” Temple Emanu-El. "Temple Takes Title to Land." The Record, 26 Jan. 1943, p.8. "History of Temple is Traced." The Record, May 20, 1948. "Englewood Jewish Temple Commencing its 22nd Year." The Record, September 19, 1949. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available newspaper.com Religion https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/9bac1d76ac211b4b7169422a50734916.jpg 1d75cdabc124cd05e6187ab7d031604e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Places A fixed location. Metadata for a place provides descriptive information that is the basis of discovery of the creation, purpose, and agents associated with a place. Date Started 1895 Source of File Attached "Congregation Ahavath Torah." Google Maps Type of Place Places of Worship Type of Institution Religious Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congregation Ahavath Torah Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="http://www.ahavathtorah.org/history">History.</a>” History - Congregation Ahavath Torah. <div></div> “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congregation_Ahavath_Torah">Congregation Ahavath Torah</a>.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 15 Apr. 2024. <div></div> "Synagogue Takes Title to Property." The Record, 4 Aug. 1954, p.16. Description An account of the resource The Congregation Ahavath Torah is an Orthodox synagogue in Englewood. The synagogue was developed first in 1895 by eight families and evolved into the Ahavath Torah. In 1911 a location was purchased at 33 Humphery Street. It moved to Englewood Avenue in 1958. According to the synagogue, Rabbi Issac Swift became a leader of the synagogue in 1960 and was succeeded by Rabbi Shmuel Goldin in 1984. Rabbi Chaim Poupko succeeded him in 2017. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Subject The topic of the resource Religion, Judaism Religion https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/94909578da35415f49eace79ef9572f6.jpg b05e85cdccc630feb631fa24e39212d9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Places A fixed location. Metadata for a place provides descriptive information that is the basis of discovery of the creation, purpose, and agents associated with a place. Date Started 1930 Type of Institution Educational Source of File Attached "Elisabeth Morrow School." Google Maps Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Elisabeth Morrow School Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="https://elisabethmorrow.org/about-the-elisabeth-morrow-school/">About the Elisabeth Morrow School</a>.” Elisabeth Morrow School, 24 Aug. 2023. “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elisabeth_Morrow_School">Elisabeth Morrow School</a>.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 8 Feb. 2023. Subject The topic of the resource Schools, Private Description An account of the resource Elisabeth Morrow School is a private school in Englewood. It was founded by Elisabeth Morrow and Constance "Connie" Chilton in 1930 as the Little School. The school is located on the former Morrow estate. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Education https://archive.englewoodmakeshistory.org/files/original/d78c1678e87e41bb7730f36a90f7ffcb.jpg 31ae0da7a843d17aa18cbbf77963ec97 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Organizations and Institutions Places A fixed location. Metadata for a place provides descriptive information that is the basis of discovery of the creation, purpose, and agents associated with a place. Date Started 1973 Type of Institution Educational Source of File Attached “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dwight-Englewood_School">Dwight-Englewood School</a>.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Dwight-Englewood School Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dwight-Englewood_School">Dwight-Englewood School</a>.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation. “<a href="http://www.d-e.org/about-d-e">We Are D-E</a>.” D-E. Subject The topic of the resource Schools Schools, Independent Schools, Private Description An account of the resource The Dwight-Englewood School is an independent college-preparatory school. It teaches pre-kindergarten through twelfth grade. There are three schools, the lower school, the middle school, and the upper school. It is a member of the New Jersey Association of Independent Schools and is accredited by the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools. In 1889 the Dwight School For Girls was founded. The Englewood School for Boys was established in 1928. IN 1973 the two schools merged. In 1993 Dwight-Englewood merged with the pre-kindergarten through sixth grade Bede School. Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Colman, David Ludder, Rachelle Education