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              <text>Sasson, Victor E. "Jailed Iranians resume fast after deal falls apart." &lt;em&gt;The Record&lt;/em&gt;, 16 Aug. 1981.</text>
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                <text>Sasson, Victor E. "Jailed Iranians resume fast after deal falls apart." &lt;em&gt;The Record&lt;/em&gt;, 16 Aug. 1981.</text>
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                <text>&lt;div class="x14z9mp xat24cr x1lziwak x1vvkbs xtlvy1s x126k92a"&gt;
&lt;div&gt;In August 1981, an international political crisis briefly unfolded on an ordinary stretch of Grand Avenue in Englewood, New Jersey.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Englewood Police responded to complaints about several men sleeping in a van with Texas license plates. When officers approached and asked for identification, the men reportedly said their papers were in an apartment upstairs. Police followed them to a small two-bedroom apartment above a gift shop. Inside, they discovered roughly sixty Iranian men crowded into the space—many sleeping wherever they could find room.&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;The men identified themselves as Iranian students and political activists. They were supporters of Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, the former president of Iran who had been removed from office earlier that year after a power struggle with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Following Bani-Sadr’s ouster, many of his supporters fled Iran or organized opposition efforts abroad. These students had been participating in demonstrations and a hunger strike in New York, protesting the Khomeini regime and expressing solidarity with Bani-Sadr and other opposition figures.&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When questioned by authorities, most of the men refused to identify themselves or provide documentation until they could speak with a lawyer. Because of that refusal, federal immigration officials took them into custody and transported them to Newark for processing. Officials initially indicated that many appeared to be in the country legally, but their unwillingness to provide identification led to arrests on immigration charges.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The group continued their hunger strike while in custody. Negotiations between their attorneys and immigration authorities followed, centering on bond amounts and the status of one man who faced an outstanding deportation order. When those negotiations collapsed, the students resumed fasting in anticipation of deportation hearings.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div class="x14z9mp xat24cr x1lziwak x1vvkbs xtlvy1s x126k92a"&gt;
&lt;div&gt;Englewood officials later stated that the men had not broken any laws simply by staying in the apartment. The situation escalated primarily because they would not identify themselves. What began as a neighborhood complaint about men sleeping in a vehicle had quickly turned into a federal immigration matter, drawing attention to Englewood during a moment of heightened tension between the United States and post-revolutionary Iran.&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The episode remains a striking example of how global political upheaval—in this case the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution and the fall of Bani-Sadr—could surface in unexpected places, even in a small Bergen County city far from Tehran or Washington.&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>A. Philip Randolph Englewood Visit, (October, 1931).</text>
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                <text>Asa Philip Randolph in Englewood: factional politics and a divided Black community When Asa Philip Randolph appeared in Englewood during the early 1930s, his visit landed in the middle of a deeply divided Black political landscape, particularly in the city’s Fourth Ward. While Randolph was nationally respected for his leadership in labor and civil rights, locally his presence exposed growing tensions within Englewood’s African American community over party loyalty, representation, and political results. For decades, most Black voters in the Fourth Ward had remained loyal to the Republican Party, following long-standing leadership figures such as William Willoughby, a prominent African American physician and Republican organizer. This allegiance reflected both historical ties to the party of Lincoln and the expectation that Republicans would continue to recognize Black voters as a crucial constituency in local elections. By the early 1930s, however, that unity was fracturing. A significant number of Black Fourth Ward residents were shifting toward the Democratic Party under the local leadership of William Butler, president of the Englewood Colored Democratic Club. This political realignment was driven by two overlapping forces: growing frustration with the failure of local Republicans to deliver tangible benefits to the Black community, and the appeal of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, which promised relief, employment, and federal intervention during the Great Depression. Randolph’s initial appearance in Englewood was sponsored by Republicans as a mass meeting ostensibly focused on unemployment among Black residents. Democrats quickly charged that the event was a political tactic designed to exploit Randolph’s reputation to shore up Republican support in the Fourth Ward. The criticism gained traction precisely because many African Americans felt that economic hardship was being discussed rhetorically while little concrete action followed at the local level. The controversy intensified when Randolph agreed to return to Englewood to speak at a Democratic-aligned meeting that openly criticized the earlier event. This second appearance was framed as a corrective, emphasizing that Randolph’s national message about unemployment and economic justice had been appropriated for partisan purposes. Democratic speakers highlighted the contradiction between Republican appeals to Black voters and their reluctance to meaningfully address discrimination, jobs, and representation within Englewood itself. In this context, Randolph’s visit became less about national labor politics and more about a local reckoning. It exposed a Black community in transition—still anchored in Republican traditions in parts of the Fourth Ward, yet increasingly drawn toward the Democratic Party by New Deal economics and dissatisfaction with long-standing political neglect. Randolph’s presence did not resolve those tensions, but it made them visible, underscoring how national figures and ideas intersected with—and sometimes intensified—local struggles over race, power, and political allegiance in Englewood. </text>
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                <text>Asa Philip Randolph in Englewood: factional politics and a divided Black community When Asa Philip Randolph appeared in Englewood during the early 1930s, his visit landed in the middle of a deeply divided Black political landscape, particularly in the city’s Fourth Ward. While Randolph was nationally respected for his leadership in labor and civil rights, locally his presence exposed growing tensions within Englewood’s African American community over party loyalty, representation, and political results. For decades, most Black voters in the Fourth Ward had remained loyal to the Republican Party, following long-standing leadership figures such as William Willoughby, a prominent African American physician and Republican organizer. This allegiance reflected both historical ties to the party of Lincoln and the expectation that Republicans would continue to recognize Black voters as a crucial constituency in local elections. By the early 1930s, however, that unity was fracturing. A significant number of Black Fourth Ward residents were shifting toward the Democratic Party under the local leadership of William Butler, president of the Englewood Colored Democratic Club. This political realignment was driven by two overlapping forces: growing frustration with the failure of local Republicans to deliver tangible benefits to the Black community, and the appeal of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, which promised relief, employment, and federal intervention during the Great Depression. Randolph’s initial appearance in Englewood was sponsored by Republicans as a mass meeting ostensibly focused on unemployment among Black residents. Democrats quickly charged that the event was a political tactic designed to exploit Randolph’s reputation to shore up Republican support in the Fourth Ward. The criticism gained traction precisely because many African Americans felt that economic hardship was being discussed rhetorically while little concrete action followed at the local level. The controversy intensified when Randolph agreed to return to Englewood to speak at a Democratic-aligned meeting that openly criticized the earlier event. This second appearance was framed as a corrective, emphasizing that Randolph’s national message about unemployment and economic justice had been appropriated for partisan purposes. Democratic speakers highlighted the contradiction between Republican appeals to Black voters and their reluctance to meaningfully address discrimination, jobs, and representation within Englewood itself. In this context, Randolph’s visit became less about national labor politics and more about a local reckoning. It exposed a Black community in transition—still anchored in Republican traditions in parts of the Fourth Ward, yet increasingly drawn toward the Democratic Party by New Deal economics and dissatisfaction with long-standing political neglect. Randolph’s presence did not resolve those tensions, but it made them visible, underscoring how national figures and ideas intersected with—and sometimes intensified—local struggles over race, power, and political allegiance in Englewood. </text>
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                <text>"The Record," February 8, 1938</text>
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                <text>The A&amp;P opened on Palisade Avenue in 1938.  The store was Englewood's first large scale self-serve grocery story. Founded by George Gilman in 1859, by 1930 A&amp;P was the largest retailer in the world and had captured a significant share of the country's "grocery" market. The consolidation of grocery retail markets into the hands of a few mega corporations gradually put most of the country's small grocery stores out of business, including my great grandfather's grocery store in Philadelphia. My great grandfather, like many grocers around the country, went out of business and went to work for the A&amp;P.</text>
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                <text>Abdul-Jabbar, Kareem</text>
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                <text>Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, born Ferdinand Lewis Alcindor Jr. on April 16, 1947, in New York City, is one of the most accomplished and influential basketball players in history. Standing 7 feet 2 inches tall, Abdul-Jabbar’s dominance on the court was unmatched during his 20-year NBA career, primarily with the Milwaukee Bucks and the Los Angeles Lakers. Known for his signature “skyhook” shot—one of the most unstoppable moves in basketball—he became the NBA’s all-time leading scorer, a record he held for nearly four decades. Over his career, he won six NBA championships and six Most Valuable Player (MVP) awards, more than any other player in league history.&#13;
&#13;
Beyond his athletic achievements, Abdul-Jabbar is renowned for his intellect, activism, and cultural influence. A scholar of history and religion, he converted to Islam in 1971 and changed his name to reflect his faith. He has been an outspoken advocate for civil rights, education, and social justice, using his platform to address issues of race, inequality, and identity in America. After retiring from basketball in 1989, he became a celebrated author, historian, and public speaker, writing books and essays that highlight African American history and culture. In 2016, President Barack Obama awarded him the Presidential Medal of Freedom, recognizing his contributions both on and off the court. Kareem Abdul-Jabbar’s legacy endures as a model of excellence, intellect, and integrity—a towering figure in sports and society alike.&#13;
&#13;
Kareem used to play basketball at Mackay Park in High School. He played with Englewood basketball star John Nottingham, Dwight-Morrow All County star player.  According to Englewood lore, Nottingham who later became a bank robber, once tried to recruit Abdul-Jabbar as an accomplice. Thankfully Abdul-Jabbar declined the offer.</text>
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